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The Panhandle of Texas
by Frederick W.
Rathjen
Source: The Handbook of Texas Online
The 25,610-square-mile
Panhandle of Texas was shaped by the Compromise of
1850, which resolved the state's controverted
territorial claims. It is bounded on the East by the
100th meridian, on the North by parallel 36°30',
and on the West by the 103rd meridian. It comprises
the northernmost twenty-six counties of the state;
the line forming the southern boundary of Swisher
County in the central Panhandle marks the southern
boundary. The elevation declines from about 4,700
feet in the Northwest (Dallam County) to about 2,000
feet in the Southeast (Childress County). The
growing season increases from 178 days a year to 217
days over the same distance. The average annual
precipitation ranges from about 21.5 inches in the
eastern counties to about seventeen inches in the
western counties.
Thus the dry Panhandle climate
ranges narrowly from subhumid to semiarid. The High
Plains cover all but the gently undulating
southeastern third of the Panhandle, where the
Rolling Plains begin. The two are separated by the
scenic eastern High Plains escarpment commonly
called the Caprock. The upper tributaries of the Red
River and the Canadian River drain the region. The
Canadian cuts across the High Plains to isolate the
southern part, the Llano Estacado, which has little
drainage and a reputation as one of the world's
flattest areas of such size. Beneath the High Plains
lies the enormous store of relict water held by the
Ogallala Aquifer-unquestionably the region's most
valuable resource.
High Plains soils are loamy,
clayey, deep, and calcareous; those of the Rolling
Plains are loamy and sandy; and those of the
canyonlands and river valleys are loamy, clayey,
shallow, and calcareous and support woody species
including juniper, cottonwood, hackberry, mesquite,
elm, willow, and plum. Scrub oak, grape, and
stretchberry grow on the escarpments. Grasses found
on the uplands include mainly the bluestems, gramas,
buffalo grass, and, around playas, western wheat
grass. Especially on the Llano Estacado short
grasses have protected the surface from erosion and,
along with subhumidity and fire, have inhibited tree
growth. In sum, Panhandle physiography produced a
primordial grassland that supported the southern
buffalo herd and a buffalo-hunting Indian culture,
invited a grazing economy introduced by Americans,
and eventually gave rise to a farming economy that
displaced much of the grassland.
Human presence in the Panhandle dates from the time
of Paleo-Indian hunters of Pleistocene animals,
whose presence is verified by their exquisitely
knapped Folsom and Clovis projectile points found in
situ with datable materials. Thereafter, occupation
ebbed and flowed with environmental variations until
the eve of historic times, when an elaborate
archeological complex, the Panhandle Aspect,
occupied the Canadian River and nearby streams.
Panhandle Aspect culture appears to have crested
from roughly A.D. 1350 to 1450, but was nowhere to
be found when Indians of the Panhandle were first
observed by persons who left documentary evidence.
The entrada of Francisco Vázquez de Coronado
crossed the Llano Estacado in 1541 in a futile quest
for wealth, and found a culture of pedestrian,
buffalo-hunting nomads whom the Spaniards called
"Querechos," identified by modern scholars as
Athabaskan ancestors of the Apaches.
Apacheans evidently controlled
the Panhandle and surrounding territory uncontested
until after 1700, when Comanches, now mounted,
appeared, challenged the Apaches, and eventually
dispossessed them. By 1800, along with their Kiowa
and Kiowa Apache allies, Comanches dominated the
Great Plains south of the Arkansas River and held
Comanchería against all comers for a century
and a half. Besides providing the first documented
observations of the Llano Estacado, the Coronado
expedition established the orientation of the whole
region toward the Hispanic Southwest, an orientation
reinforced by the expedition of Juan de
Oñate, who traveled along the Canadian River
in 1601.
In subsequent years, Spaniards
and Pueblo Indians entered the region for a variety
of purposes and regarded it as a part of New Mexico.
Commercial ties between the Plains and the river
valleys of New Mexico were probably the strongest
bonds between the two. In time, trade shifted from
New Mexico to prearranged sites in West Texas such
as Palo Duro and Tule canyons, Tecovas Springs, and
Quitaque Creek, while Comancheros emerged as the
principal agents of commerce. Though innocent enough
in its early days, the Comanchero trade acquired
sinister characteristics in the nineteenth century,
as it dealt increasingly in stolen livestock and
human traffic.
In any event, the southwestern orientation of the
Panhandle stood for 180 years after Coronado, until
the pivotal year 1821 brought forces reorienting the
region toward the United States and introducing a
succession of more-or-less separate but overlapping
phases through which regional history evolved. In
1821 the successful Mexican War of Independence
opened Santa Fe to legal trade with United States
citizens and Maj. Stephen H. Long explored the
Canadian River valley, thus initiating the
Anglo-American exploratory phase of Panhandle
history. Between 1821 and the 1853 the Pacific
railroad survey of the thirty-fifth parallel, led by
Lt. Amiel Weeks Whipple, and expeditions led by
United States Army officers explored and described
the Canadian valley, the Rolling Plains, and the
upper tributaries of the Red River.
Only the interior of the Llano
Estacado lay beyond the ken of the Americans.
Meanwhile, in 1840 Josiah Gregg found the South side
of the Canadian an advantageous trade route, and in
1849 Capt. Randolph B. Marcy, closely following
Gregg's tracks, specifically marked the Fort
Smith-Santa Fe Trail so that ties of commerce and
travel, along with exploration, pulled the Panhandle
toward the American orbit.
Until after 1865 the southern Plains Indians
remained essentially undisturbed, mainly because of
the sectional controversy and the Civil War, but in
the early 1870s professional buffalo-hide hunters
entered the Panhandle from western Kansas. Normal
Indian resentment toward this incursion was
heightened by their understanding that the Medicine
Lodge Treaties of 1867 guaranteed them exclusive
hunting grounds south of the Arkansas River. In
retaliation, resentful warriors led by Quanah Parker
and the charismatic medicine man Isa-tai plotted an
attack upon the buffalo hunters' trading post at
Adobe Walls in what is now Hutchinson County.
The attack failed to overrun
the post and cost heavy losses, although it sent
both hide men and merchants scurrying for the safety
of Dodge City and temporarily interrupted the
buffalo-hunting phase of Panhandle history (see
ADOBE WALLS, SECOND BATTLE OF). Most importantly,
Second Adobe Walls goaded the government into the
climactic campaign against the southern Plains
Indians, the Red River War of 1874-75. Earlier
efforts to deal militarily with the southern Plains
tribes won some battles, but resolved very little.
On November 26, 1864, a 500-man force under Kit
(Christopher) Carson had engaged several villages in
the vicinity of the Bent brothers' old adobe trading
post on the Canadian on November 25. Doubtlessly the
Indians were hurt considerably, but Carson achieved
little of strategic consequence.
Rather more successful was the
Winter War of 1868, in which a strategy contrived by
Maj. Gen. Philip H. Sheridan directed four
converging columns upon the Indians' haunts to catch
them unsuspecting in their winter camps. No column
came from the South, however, and many camps simply
dropped southward out of the encirclement. The 1874
campaign added a column of the Fourth United States
Cavalry led northward by Col. Ranald S. Mackenzie to
complete the encirclement. The Red River War saw
some dramatic pitched battles, most famously
Mackenzie's victory in the battle of Palo Duro
Canyon on September 28, but mainly it was a campaign
of harassment that gave the Indians no rest until,
near starvation, they accepted their inevitable move
to reservations.
By early 1875 the military phase of Panhandle
history was over. The hide men quickly felled most
of the remaining buffalo with relatively minor
interference from Indians, and the region lay
essentially empty awaiting its next phase. Fort
Elliott, placed in Wheeler County as a hedge against
Indian outbreaks, supported white settlement with
numerous essential services. In 1876 the Texas
legislature marked off the twenty-six Panhandle
counties from the Bexar Land District, thereby
essentially completing the transformation of the
region from a southwestern Hispanic cultural domain
to an Anglo-American one.
The empty grassland was
attractive to the pastores, led by Casimero Romero,
who initiated the grazing phase of Panhandle history
by bringing their sheep to the western Canadian
basin, where Charles Goodnight found them when he
moved his cattle from Colorado in the spring of
1876. Leaving the Canadian to the New Mexican
sheepherders, Goodnight moved on to Palo Duro Canyon
where, in partnership with James Adair, he built the
JA Ranch. Almost simultaneously, Thomas Sherman
Bugbee arrived in Hutchinson County and established
the Quarter Circle T Ranch. Other pioneers soon
followed, and the towns of Tascosa, Mobeetie, and
Clarendon developed as the centers from which
settlement, commerce, and political organization
emanated.
Their counties, Wheeler,
Oldham, and Donley, were organized in 1879, 1881,
and 1882, respectively. The federal census of 1880
counted 1,607 persons in the Panhandle, including
1,198 Anglos concentrated in Wheeler, Hemphill, and
Donley counties; 358 Hispanics concentrated in
Hartley, Oldham, and Deaf Smith counties; and
fifty-one African Americans, thirty-six of whom
lived near Fort Elliott. Of adults over age fifteen,
365 were born in former Confederate states, while
364 were born in Union states or territories. The
region's foreign-born represented eleven nations.
Although sheep ranching initiated the grazing phase,
its dominance quickly gave way to cattle, which
first came in herds of as few as 100 head, owned by
cattlemen who took the best grass and water. Few
followed Goodnight's lead when he purchased 12,000
acres of JA range. Individual enterprise soon gave
way to corporate enterprise because the attraction
of low-cost stocker cattle, low labor costs, the
subsidy of free grass, and high market prices
infused large amounts of capital from both the East
and Europe. The first corporate giant was the
Prairie Cattle Company of Edinburgh, Scotland.
Another, the Capitol Freehold Land and Investment
Company, Limited, is the best known as the XIT
Ranch.
Corporate financial resources
brought barbed wire fencing, deep-drilled wells, and
windmills, thus enabling more effective use of
pasturage away from surface water and the upgrading
of herds through selective breeding. Conversely,
barbed wire enclosed much state-owned land and the
state's insistence on grazing fees bred bitter
controversy, which was eventually resolved
peacefully. Early corporate ranching contained the
seeds of disaster, however, because its very success
attracted excessive investment, overstocking, bad
management, and depressed prices, thereby making the
industry vulnerable to any dislocation.
The first rather feeble
attempts at farming, which came in the early
eighties, were equally vulnerable. Both were
devastated by unusually severe winters and summer
droughts in the mid-eighties. Farming had to wait
another generation for a new start. Though many
ranches failed, well-managed ones survived, and a
far better-organized industry emerged. It became the
foundation for a ranching industry that remains
integral to the economy and culture of the
Panhandle.
Every phase of regional development profited by
completion of the Fort Worth and Denver Railway in
1888. In time, the Rock Island and Santa Fe joined
the FW&D in providing a region-wide rail
network. Because the escarpments of the Staked
Plains partly dictated routes, the rails crossed in
the central Panhandle at the point where Amarillo
was fortuitously located and made the town the
center of regional cultural, social, and commercial
life. Railroads determined the location of
townsites, ranchers got far easier access to
supplies and markets, and promoters of various
sorts, especially railroad men, ardently boosted the
Panhandle as the new garden for farmers. Not until
well into the twentieth century, however, did
improved dry-land farming techniques and the first
stirrings of modern irrigation, both backed by
emerging technology, assure permanence of an
agricultural foundation for the region.
By 1917 beef, wheat, and
cotton emerged as the basics of commercial
production. Unusually favorable weather, markets
impelled by World War I, and technological
improvements blessed the efforts of producers who
expanded acreage and increased production. The
artificial demand and prices raised by the war,
however, encouraged excessive production and
cultivation of marginal lands better left to
grazing, a fact that portended disaster in the
1930s. Fortunately for the Panhandle, a new and
unanticipated industry burst upon the economic scene
and permeated the whole fabric of regional life.
Drawing upon the research of geologist Charles N.
Gould, a group of entrepreneurs led by grocer
Millard C. Nobles organized the Amarillo Oil
Company, leased 70,000 acres of ranchland, and began
drilling. Their first wells produced only natural
gas, but on May 2, 1921, Gulf-Burnet No. 2 produced
the first Panhandle oil and encouraged further
exploration. In 1925 Dixon Creek Oil Company hit a
vast reserve in Hutchinson County that yielded
10,000 barrels a day. Oil spawned numerous
collateral industries and towns, of which Borger was
surely the most chaotic.
The place eventually became so
lawless that only martial law brought it stability.
Other communities such as Lefors, Pampa, and Dumas
profited from oil but avoided such tumult. Amarillo
became the corporate center of major oil companies.
Abundant natural gas brought plants for extraction
of carbon black, helium, and zinc smelting, while
the marketing of petroleum products required
construction of refineries and pipelines. The
availability of moderately priced automobiles and
cheap fuel brought a demand for better roads, and in
the 1920s the Panhandle led Texas in the development
of highways, including the legendary Route 66.
Farm-to-market transportation flourished under the
Rural Roads Act, and the combination of
gasoline-powered transportation and paved roads
strengthened Amarillo's position as the tri-state
(Texas, Oklahoma, and New Mexico) trade center.
The arrival of the complex of oil-related industries
could scarcely have been more timely, since they
provided some economic diversification and activity
after the events of September 1929. In fact, during
the Great Depression they prospered and the oil
counties grew in population. Agriculture, by
contrast, had to contend with the economic
dislocations of the time as well as an ecological
calamity induced by land abuse, unsuitable farming
methods, severe drought, and abnormally high winds:
the Dust Bowl.
Many farmers, especially
tenants, were driven from the land. Between 1935 and
1940 both the number of farms and property values
declined sharply. Six agricultural counties lost
more than 25 percent of their residents between 1930
and 1940; ten others lost more than 10 percent. The
stark reality of human suffering found expression in
poignant images recorded by Farm Security
Administration photographers, while the
environmental crisis was nowhere made more vivid
than in the graphic paintings of Alexandre Hogue.
Immediate relief for depression victims proved to
exceed the resources of localities, despite valiant
efforts by such leaders as Mayor Ernest O. Thompson
of Amarillo.
In the long term, two absolute
necessities emerged: stabilization of the
agricultural economy and healing of the land. In
1932 Panhandle voters turned to the New Deal of
Franklin D. Roosevelt, who carried all twenty-six
counties with 87 percent of the popular vote. Four
years later, Roosevelt gleaned 96 percent of the
Panhandle vote. Through various New Deal agencies,
federal aid came in a variety of projects ranging
from multiple agricultural programs to construction
of Palo Duro Canyon State Scenic Park, to the
building of curbs, streets, and gutters in towns, to
documenting and recording regional history, to
producing public art.
Of enormous advantage to the
region was its United States representative, Marvin
Jones, who chaired the House Agriculture Committee
beginning in 1931 and heavily influenced the New
Deal's agricultural legislation. Doubtless through
Jones's influence, but also through dire need, the
Panhandle was among the first areas in the nation to
receive New Deal aid and became something of a
proving ground for its programs. Of all programs
affecting the Panhandle, and especially rural life,
few, if any, could match the depth and permanence of
the Rural Electrification Act, which brought
electric power first to the rural Panhandle in Deaf
Smith County in 1937.
As the "Dirty Thirties" waned and the effects of the
Great Depression subsided, Panhandle citizens'
attention turned outward toward Europe and Asia.
Tangible portents of a new, unpleasant world became
evident on November 25, 1940, when units of the
Texas National Guard mobilized at Amarillo. Though
guard personnel served world-wide, the Second
Battalion, formed from the 131st Field Artillery
under Col. Blutcher S. Tharp of Amarillo, was
immortalized as the Lost Battalion of Java.
Two Panhandle men, John C.
"Red" Morgan and Charles H. Roan, won the Medal of
Honor, while former representative Jones served
throughout the war as war food administrator.
Because of the large number of days per year
suitable for flying, the Army Air Corps placed
training fields at Dalhart, Pampa, and Amarillo.
Only the Amarillo installation remained after the
war. McLean and Hereford hosted German and Italian
prisoners of war. The Pantex Army Ordnance Plant,
established in 1942 in Carson County to produce
bombs and artillery shells, assumed a conspicuous
role in the Cold War as the assembly plant for
nuclear warheads (see PANTEX, TEXAS).
The demands of global war
combined with ample rainfall sent Panhandle wheat
and beef production soaring; cotton culture
production also significantly increased, though less
dramatically. Largely because of the leadership of
Ernest O. Thompson in his position on the Railroad
Commission, the Panhandle oil and gas fields had
been developed and were poised to fuel and lubricate
the machines of war. In March 1943 the Exell Helium
Plant in Moore County began extracting helium from
natural gas to provide lifting power for the blimps
that escorted transoceanic convoys; also, completely
without the knowledge of Exell personnel, the plant
provided helium for the Manhattan Project. The
number of peaceful applications of Helium later
increased, although it was Cold War demands for
nuclear weaponry that kept the Exell Plant in
operation after the armistice.
The post-World War II years sustained the prosperity
stimulated by the war, although it still rested
mainly upon its traditional foundations, agriculture
and petroleum. The Korean War bolstered the demand
for both and introduced a pivotal decade in regional
history, the 1950s. In the five years following
1952, Amarillo recorded less rainfall than in any
comparable period of the 1930s, and emerging dust
clouds evoked fears of another Dust Bowl. The happy
fact that the worst did not happen may be attributed
to expanding irrigation and the soil-conservation
practices and technologies learned twenty years
earlier.
During the 1930s as the number
of farms decreased, the size of farms increased. The
average of almost 1,000 acres by 1940 reflected
advanced mechanization and especially widespread
irrigation, the number of irrigation wells having
increased from a mere forty-one in 1930 to more than
700 in 1940. Recurring drought in the fifties
encouraged irrigation all over the High Plains, but
especially north of the Canadian River, where the
Ogallala Aquifer had previously been considered too
deep for feasible irrigation. Technology changed
that, however, and over the High Plains the number
of wells increased from 14,000 in 1950 to 27,500 in
1954. Irrigated acreage expanded from 1.86 million
acres to 3.5 million in the same period. The
irrigation boom peaked in the middle 1970s,
subsided, and stabilized about 1980.
It assured a measure of
agricultural prosperity and stimulated a pervasive
agribusiness that remains a dominant force in the
regional economy-especially in cattle feeding. An
explosion of feedlots in northwestern Texas came
about through the chance presence of Paul Engler, a
Nebraska cattle buyer, in Hereford in 1960. Engler
noticed an abundance of components: space, favorable
climate, cattle, and massive irrigated hybrid
sorghum culture. Far-sighted bankers, especially
Henry Sears of Hereford, provided capital for the
infant industry, which quickly grew into a
obstreperously youthful industry. The early 1970s
brought a sobering collapse and eventual reordering
into a more sound, scientifically managed
enterprise.
As the hot war in Korea intensified the Cold War,
Amarillo Army Air Field reopened as Amarillo Air
Force Base in 1951 to train technicians and to base
units of the Strategic Air Command. The Atomic
Energy Commission claimed the Pantex plant in 1950
and added manufacture of nuclear warheads to the
installation's former functions. Operated by private
contractors under the Department of Energy, Pantex
became the nation's sole assembly plant for nuclear
warheads in 1975. As early as 1926, visionary
individuals considered harnessing Canadian River
water for domestic and industrial use.
Austin A. Meredith made a
virtual life's work of promoting an impoundment, and
his efforts and those of many others led to the
formation of the Canadian River Municipal Water
Authority in 1953. Eleven Panhandle and South Plains
cities joined the authority, secured federal
financing, and constructed Sanford Dam. The
resulting Lake Meredith impounds up to 821,300
acre-feet of water. Excessive salinization plagues
Lake Meredith waters, however, and requires remedial
treatment. The 1950s also featured a remarkably
rapid reversal in the traditional Democratic
politics of Panhandle voters who, after
overwhelmingly supporting Franklin Roosevelt through
four elections, gave President Harry Truman a
decisive victory in 1948 and helped Democratic
senator Lyndon B. Johnson defeat his Republican
opponent.
Four years later Republican
Dwight D. Eisenhower won twenty-four Panhandle
counties, although he took only sixteen in 1956. In
1960 it became evident that the 1950s had witnessed
a political transition-in-progress, for Richard M.
Nixon won twenty-two Panhandle counties and carried
the region with 62 percent of the popular vote.
Except for Johnson's narrow regional victory in
1964, no Democratic presidential candidate has
carried the Panhandle since 1948. The shift has
reflected a general conservative trend, for local,
state, and congressional Republican candidates have
become increasingly successful.
Deactivation of Amarillo Air Force Base in 1968
shook the entire regional economy, but was turned to
account when the base facilities were purchased by
the state of Texas and made the campus of Texas
State Technical Institute, which officially opened
on June 15, 1970, and has since supplied skilled
labor to the regional workforce. The runways built
to accommodate B-52 strategic bombers opened the way
for construction of a new air terminal to
accommodate an expanding economy. Accordingly on May
17, 1971, a new air terminal opened to serve the
three-state area. Because of its exceptionally long
runway, Amarillo Air Terminal was designated a port
of entry to the United States.
At the end of the Cold War, Pantex turned aboutface
and started dismantling nuclear warheads. The plant
is promoted as the center of a research consortium
for finding peaceful applications for nuclear
materials. The possibility implies great economic
impact for the region, but also raises concerns
among residents who are concerned about potential
dangers of plutonium storage, as well as possible
contamination of the Ogallala Aquifer. Population
trends of the 1980s and 1990s suggest that the Texas
Panhandle is in a transitional, and somewhat
confusing, phase. Between 1970 and 1980 the regional
population grew by nearly 60,000, or about 18
percent.
In the 1980s, although the
overall population loss was slightly less than 6
percent, only two counties had statistically
significant population gains: Moore County
(including Dumas) and Randall County, which grew by
nearly 20 percent because of Amarillo's
southwestward expansion beyond the Potter County
line, and the emergence of Canyon as a virtual
suburb of Amarillo. Of the remaining counties, four
lost more than 20 percent of their population, and
thirteen lost from 9 to 19 percent. All of these are
agricultural counties or oil and gas producers or
both. The decline of formerly reliable industries
has compelled a search for alternatives, among which
tourism and prisons are promising. The Ogallala
Aquifer remains the Panhandle's most precious
resource, however, and although the threat of its
depletion appears to have subsided, its finitude
necessitates earnest consideration and planning if
the economic well-being of the region is to endure.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Stefan Kramar,
Stefan Kramar's Panhandle Portrait (Austin:
Pemberton Press, 1974). Willie Newbury Lewis,
Between Sun and Sod (Clarendon, Texas: Clarendon
Press, 1938; rev. ed., College Station: Texas
A&M University Press, 1976). B. Byron Price and
Frederick W. Rathjen, The Golden Spread: An
Illustrated History of Amarillo and the Texas
Panhandle (Northridge, California: Windsor, 1986).
Frederick W. Rathjen, The Texas Panhandle Frontier
(Austin: University of Texas Press, 1973). Saga of
the South Plains: Forty Years of "Settlin' up" the
Prairie, 1879-1919 (Lubbock: Texas Technological
College Museum, 1955?). F. Stanley, Story of the
Texas Panhandle Railroads (Borger, Texas: Hess,
1976). Union Pacific Railroad Company, The Resources
and Attractions of the Texas Panhandle (St. Louis:
Woodward and Tiernan, 1891).
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